A couple of years later, after America had entered the war, Germany agreed to an armistice—an end to the fighting—on the basis of President Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points, which seemed to offer a fair peace without a victory for either side. But this turned out to be a bait-and-switch operation, since once Germany had withdrawn its army from French territory and given up its powerful naval forces, the Allies then imposed a brutal starvation blockade upon the weakened country, inflicting many hundreds of thousands of civilian deaths until the new German government finally accepted very harsh peace terms. These included the dismemberment and occupation of portions of their country, permanent military weakness, and acceptance of the entire guilt of the war, as well as paying gigantic future financial reparations to the victorious Allies.

The outrageous terms imposed at Versailles deeply rankled all Germans, and the memory of the starvation imposed upon Germany during the war and even a

The Founders and the Constitution, Part 5: Edmund Randolph https://www.theepochtimes.com/the-founders-and-the-constitution-part-5-edmund-randolph_5192793.html

‘No day goes’, the chronicler Shihabuddin al-Umari recorded during Alauddin Khalji’s rule from 1296-1316, ‘without the sale of thousands of slaves.’

Flags covered the skies, and drums thundered as they would on a tiger hunt as the army of the Arakan marched into the jungles, great ranks of infantry backed by hundreds of battle elephants. Tens of thousands of boats stood by, to help the army jump over the dense veins of rivers that separated the mountains from the plains. King Sirisudhammaraja—“the very image of virtue, and in prowess, like the morning sun,” gushed a court chronicler—was hunting for human prey.

This weekend, King Willem-Alexander of the Netherlands formally apologised for the role of the Orange-Nassau dynasty in enabling the slave trade. The Dutch East India Company slave traders, the King said, had turned individuals into commodities, a kind of oppression that is “the most hurtful, the most humiliating, the most degrading.”

Earlier this year, a historical investi

There was a bomb-drop silence in the Praja Sabha. All Trivandrum was gripped with tension as the demand for temple entry reached a fever pitch. When T.K. Madhavan got up to speak, the hearts of the more nervous members beat in their chests. The Ezhava poet, Mooloor S. Padmanabha Panicker, tactically found himself a seat at the very back of the chamber.

As it turned out, Madhavan didn’t throw a bomb, but spoke forcefully for an hour and a quarter, recalls his colleague N. Kumaran, who was there. But the fear of violence would hang over the movement before, during, and after the Vaikom Satyagraha, although the volunteers never deviated from their Gandhian approach. On one occasion, it triggered a misunderstanding between Mahatma Gandhi and Narayana Guru.

In March 1924, satyagrahis began to flock to Vaikom in the princely state of Travancore, to agitate for the public roads near the town’s Mahadeva Temple to be thrown open to avarnas, or ‘untouchables’. They came from across Kerala and